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Showing posts with label Hindutva. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Hindutva. Show all posts
Wednesday 13 March 2024
Monday 4 March 2024
A Religious Market Theory Explained
Nadeem F Paracha in The Dawn
In 1987, the American sociologists Rodney Stark and William S. Bainbridge formulated a ‘Religious Market Theory.’ The theory is a critique of the ‘Secularisation Thesis.’ The secularisation thesis was initially developed by the German sociologist Max Weber in the early 20th century. In the next five decades, it was further evolved by numerous scholars.
To Weber, due to modernisation, especially from the late 18th century onwards, societies entered a process of ‘spiritual disenchantment.’ Space for ‘pre-modern’ beliefs in magic, faith and superstition shrank and people began to adopt more rational modes of thinking.
Even non-Western societies started to adopt models of modernisation and, indeed, here as well, the traditional variants of religion began to decline. They were replaced by secularised formations of traditional faiths, framed and monopolised by the state.
But the secularisation thesis came into question when, from the mid-1970s onwards, the exhibition of religiosity, especially in modernised Muslim-majority nation-states, began to grow.
In the 1980s, when religiosity saw an increase in the US as well, Stark and Bainbridge formulated their religious market theory, challenging the secularisation thesis. The religious market theory suggests that when religiosity declines, it eventually revives itself, because the decline opens up spaces for new faiths and modified versions of the old faiths to emerge.
Stark and Bainbridge saw the rise and decline of religiosity as a cycle, which moves like markets do in capitalist settings. Religions which fail to adjust to the needs of changing conditions, fall by the wayside and lose followers. Readjusted religions and new faiths begin to emerge in a scenario where religiosity seems to be receding.
Gradually, though, new and readjusted variants are able to revive interest in faith, by providing services and products that are better suited to meet the needs of changing conditions.
According to Stark and Bainbridge, this cycle produces a diverse collection of faiths, cults, sects and subsects, which compete against each other in the ‘marketplace of faiths’ and improve to attract followers. The religious market theory posits that this renews an interest in faith and religiosity.
In 19th century India, during the complete fall of the Mughal Empire and the mushrooming of British colonialism, the established variants of Islam began to struggle to keep pace with the changing conditions. It seemed that the modernity introduced by the British was rapidly secularising the polity. But as the old religious ethos dwindled, new variants emerged to address the changing needs of India’s Muslims.
On the one hand, new Sunni sects such as Deobandi, Barelvi and Ahl-i-Hadith sprang up and, on the other, the Ahmadiyya, the Ahl-i-Quran and Muslim Modernism emerged. They competed against each other, promising the most suitable narratives to India’s ‘depressed’ Muslims and, in the process, gathering followers — more importantly, followers who had political and economic clout.
From the mid-19th century till the 1920s, the marketplace of faiths in South Asia flourished with new variations of Islam and Hinduism. The variants were products/brands, and their followers were consumers. This indeed witnessed a renewed interest in religion and religiosity.
However, from the late 1940s, when India split into two nation-states, Bharat and Pakistan, the state in both countries decided to monopolise the marketplace of faiths, through an overarching meta-narrative.
India formulated a nationalist secularism that sought to build a socialist democracy. It was to provide economic services that religious organisations had been offering to attract followers. The state in Pakistan began to shape a nationalist-modernist variant of Islam and it regulated the marketplace of faiths by bringing its shops and products under the state’s control.
According to some contemporary proponents of the religious market theory, the presence of a centralised and ‘official’ faith eschews religious diversity. It nationalises the marketplace of faiths. This causes a decline in religiosity, as has been the case in various Scandinavian countries and in Britain.
The state in India (through nationalist-secularism) and Pakistan (through modernist-nationalist Islam) attempted to do this. Religion did not decline as such, but religiosity did.
In the 1970s, new economic and political challenges emerged in Pakistan and India. These also challenged the nationalisation of the marketplace of faiths. In Pakistan, political elites tried to absorb the alternatives offered by Sunni and Shia sects and subsects. They privatised the marketplace and began to gather fresh followers, who could not find remedies anymore in the centralised state-approved variant.
By the 1980s, the marketplace of faiths was once again booming. In Pakistan, the state continued to try absorbing the new variants by discarding the old modernist variant. But, as the middle class and the lower-middle class segments expanded, they became the most active consumers of new variants, thereby re-energising the marketplace of faiths.
These variants ranged from renewed and modified versions of evangelical Islam, to the more radical versions of Sunni and Shia sects and subsects. Religiosity revived itself.
In India, economic liberalisation weakened the monopoly of the nationalist-secular narrative in the marketplace of faiths. The Indian historian Meera Nanda, in her book The God Market, has closely tracked the trajectory of the expanding elite and middle-income groups in India, from being consumers of the nationalist-secular narrative, to becoming the most prominent consumers of Hindu nationalism — especially after benefitting from the post-1980s ‘neo-liberal’ economic policies.
According to Nanda, these segments, who now exercise increasing economic influence, “re-ritualised and re-enchanted Hinduism.” They now view Hinduism as being inherently compatible with modern economic ideas that guarantee profitability and prosperity. This, too, is how the renewed evangelical variants of Islam peddled their narrative to the elite and middle-income groups in Pakistan.
Consequently, exhibitions of religiosity have witnessed a manifold increase in both the countries. However, within the marketplace of faiths are also variants that are problematic. These include the more reactionary manifestations of faiths. For example, those looking to undermine Muslims in India in a violent manner will shop for variants that aid the consumer to theologically justify acts of violence.
This is also true in Pakistan. There are sectarian and sub-sectarian variants in the marketplace of faiths, which ‘theologically’ validate actions of those who want to use or instigate violence against an opponent in the name of faith.
More worrying is the fact that many urban, ‘educated’ folk, too, buy these variants, especially products (in the shape of narratives) that justify or instigate violence. These are often used to demonise perceived enemies as ‘Ahmadiyya sympathisers,’ or ‘anti-Islam’.
The marketplace of faiths is now almost entirely unregulated. And the state and governments whose job it was to regulate it, too, have become consumers in the marketplace of faiths to justify their own existence.
In 1987, the American sociologists Rodney Stark and William S. Bainbridge formulated a ‘Religious Market Theory.’ The theory is a critique of the ‘Secularisation Thesis.’ The secularisation thesis was initially developed by the German sociologist Max Weber in the early 20th century. In the next five decades, it was further evolved by numerous scholars.
To Weber, due to modernisation, especially from the late 18th century onwards, societies entered a process of ‘spiritual disenchantment.’ Space for ‘pre-modern’ beliefs in magic, faith and superstition shrank and people began to adopt more rational modes of thinking.
Even non-Western societies started to adopt models of modernisation and, indeed, here as well, the traditional variants of religion began to decline. They were replaced by secularised formations of traditional faiths, framed and monopolised by the state.
But the secularisation thesis came into question when, from the mid-1970s onwards, the exhibition of religiosity, especially in modernised Muslim-majority nation-states, began to grow.
In the 1980s, when religiosity saw an increase in the US as well, Stark and Bainbridge formulated their religious market theory, challenging the secularisation thesis. The religious market theory suggests that when religiosity declines, it eventually revives itself, because the decline opens up spaces for new faiths and modified versions of the old faiths to emerge.
Stark and Bainbridge saw the rise and decline of religiosity as a cycle, which moves like markets do in capitalist settings. Religions which fail to adjust to the needs of changing conditions, fall by the wayside and lose followers. Readjusted religions and new faiths begin to emerge in a scenario where religiosity seems to be receding.
Gradually, though, new and readjusted variants are able to revive interest in faith, by providing services and products that are better suited to meet the needs of changing conditions.
According to Stark and Bainbridge, this cycle produces a diverse collection of faiths, cults, sects and subsects, which compete against each other in the ‘marketplace of faiths’ and improve to attract followers. The religious market theory posits that this renews an interest in faith and religiosity.
In 19th century India, during the complete fall of the Mughal Empire and the mushrooming of British colonialism, the established variants of Islam began to struggle to keep pace with the changing conditions. It seemed that the modernity introduced by the British was rapidly secularising the polity. But as the old religious ethos dwindled, new variants emerged to address the changing needs of India’s Muslims.
On the one hand, new Sunni sects such as Deobandi, Barelvi and Ahl-i-Hadith sprang up and, on the other, the Ahmadiyya, the Ahl-i-Quran and Muslim Modernism emerged. They competed against each other, promising the most suitable narratives to India’s ‘depressed’ Muslims and, in the process, gathering followers — more importantly, followers who had political and economic clout.
From the mid-19th century till the 1920s, the marketplace of faiths in South Asia flourished with new variations of Islam and Hinduism. The variants were products/brands, and their followers were consumers. This indeed witnessed a renewed interest in religion and religiosity.
However, from the late 1940s, when India split into two nation-states, Bharat and Pakistan, the state in both countries decided to monopolise the marketplace of faiths, through an overarching meta-narrative.
India formulated a nationalist secularism that sought to build a socialist democracy. It was to provide economic services that religious organisations had been offering to attract followers. The state in Pakistan began to shape a nationalist-modernist variant of Islam and it regulated the marketplace of faiths by bringing its shops and products under the state’s control.
According to some contemporary proponents of the religious market theory, the presence of a centralised and ‘official’ faith eschews religious diversity. It nationalises the marketplace of faiths. This causes a decline in religiosity, as has been the case in various Scandinavian countries and in Britain.
The state in India (through nationalist-secularism) and Pakistan (through modernist-nationalist Islam) attempted to do this. Religion did not decline as such, but religiosity did.
In the 1970s, new economic and political challenges emerged in Pakistan and India. These also challenged the nationalisation of the marketplace of faiths. In Pakistan, political elites tried to absorb the alternatives offered by Sunni and Shia sects and subsects. They privatised the marketplace and began to gather fresh followers, who could not find remedies anymore in the centralised state-approved variant.
By the 1980s, the marketplace of faiths was once again booming. In Pakistan, the state continued to try absorbing the new variants by discarding the old modernist variant. But, as the middle class and the lower-middle class segments expanded, they became the most active consumers of new variants, thereby re-energising the marketplace of faiths.
These variants ranged from renewed and modified versions of evangelical Islam, to the more radical versions of Sunni and Shia sects and subsects. Religiosity revived itself.
In India, economic liberalisation weakened the monopoly of the nationalist-secular narrative in the marketplace of faiths. The Indian historian Meera Nanda, in her book The God Market, has closely tracked the trajectory of the expanding elite and middle-income groups in India, from being consumers of the nationalist-secular narrative, to becoming the most prominent consumers of Hindu nationalism — especially after benefitting from the post-1980s ‘neo-liberal’ economic policies.
According to Nanda, these segments, who now exercise increasing economic influence, “re-ritualised and re-enchanted Hinduism.” They now view Hinduism as being inherently compatible with modern economic ideas that guarantee profitability and prosperity. This, too, is how the renewed evangelical variants of Islam peddled their narrative to the elite and middle-income groups in Pakistan.
Consequently, exhibitions of religiosity have witnessed a manifold increase in both the countries. However, within the marketplace of faiths are also variants that are problematic. These include the more reactionary manifestations of faiths. For example, those looking to undermine Muslims in India in a violent manner will shop for variants that aid the consumer to theologically justify acts of violence.
This is also true in Pakistan. There are sectarian and sub-sectarian variants in the marketplace of faiths, which ‘theologically’ validate actions of those who want to use or instigate violence against an opponent in the name of faith.
More worrying is the fact that many urban, ‘educated’ folk, too, buy these variants, especially products (in the shape of narratives) that justify or instigate violence. These are often used to demonise perceived enemies as ‘Ahmadiyya sympathisers,’ or ‘anti-Islam’.
The marketplace of faiths is now almost entirely unregulated. And the state and governments whose job it was to regulate it, too, have become consumers in the marketplace of faiths to justify their own existence.
Wednesday 27 December 2023
Sunday 20 August 2023
Monday 14 August 2023
A Level Economics: BJP, Hindutva, and Navigating Cognitive Dissonance: Insights from Brexit
ChatGPT
In the intricate tapestry of Indian politics, the emergence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the concurrent rise of Hindutva ideology have not only reshaped the nation's socio-political landscape but have also engendered profound societal divisions, echoing the polarization that marked the aftermath of the UK's Brexit. As we delve into the complex interplay between the BJP's ascendancy and the fervor surrounding Hindutva, it becomes imperative to explore whether cognitive dissonance—a psychological phenomenon arising when beliefs clash with opposing information—can be resolved to pave the way for a more cohesive and inclusive India.
At the heart of the BJP's appeal lies its promise of robust economic growth, bolstering national pride, and safeguarding cultural heritage. This potent allure has resonated deeply with a substantial segment of the population, galvanizing unwavering support for the party's vision. However, much like the cognitive dissonance that emerged among Brexiteers seven years after Brexit, the fervent belief in the BJP's narrative has spawned cognitive dissonance among its followers, which has surfaced nine years after the BJP came to power in Delhi.
Imagine a scenario where an ardent BJP supporter, let's call him Raj, wholeheartedly subscribes to the party's agenda of preserving cultural and religious identity. However, Raj grapples with cognitive dissonance as he confronts mounting reports of religious intolerance and violence directed towards minority communities. This dissonance between his support for the party's cultural preservation ideals and the emerging evidence of social strife creates a psychological discomfort.
Furthermore, the BJP's economic policies have been touted as drivers of prosperity and job creation. This narrative, though compelling, has also ignited cognitive dissonance in supporters who ardently champion the party's economic agenda. For instance, Priya, a devoted BJP follower, may find herself in cognitive dissonance when faced with data indicating widening economic inequality under the party's rule. The discord between her belief in the BJP's economic prowess and the evidence of increasing disparities can lead to psychological tension.
Analogous to the cognitive dissonance witnessed in the UK's Brexit discourse, where individuals clung to economic promises despite contradicting evidence, cognitive dissonance surrounding the BJP and Hindutva can impede rational discourse. Similar to Brexiteers who steadfastly clung to the vision of an economically robust post-Brexit Britain, BJP supporters might resist acknowledging challenges faced by various segments of the population due to economic policies.
Psychologists emphasize that addressing cognitive dissonance necessitates empathetic conversations that refrain from attacking or belittling individuals for their beliefs. In the Indian context, this might entail engaging BJP supporters in dialogues that validate their economic aspirations and cultural preservation concerns while also fostering discussions about the intricate nuances of policies and their ramifications.
Overcoming cognitive dissonance linked to cultural and economic dimensions is a formidable undertaking, essential for nurturing a harmonious society. Analogous to the UK's imperative to bridge the chasm between Leavers and Remainers, India must chart a course towards mutual understanding and empathy among those holding divergent perspectives on cultural identity, economic growth, and governance.
In summation, the BJP's rise and the diffusion of Hindutva ideology have set in motion cognitive dissonance among adherents, necessitating a delicate balance between their beliefs and emerging contrasting information, spanning cultural and economic realms. As India strives to reconcile its rich heritage, economic aspirations, and governance intricacies, the lessons from cognitive dissonance offer valuable guidance on the path towards unity in diversity.
---How to approach Raj's Cognitive Dissonance
Let's take the example of Raj, an ardent BJP supporter who is experiencing cognitive dissonance due to reports of religious intolerance and violence against minority communities. Here's how you could implement the stepwise approach to address his cognitive dissonance:
Create a Safe Environment: Approach Raj with respect and empathy. Express your interest in understanding his perspective and concerns.
Active Listening: Ask open-ended questions like, "Raj, could you share your thoughts on the recent reports of religious intolerance?" Listen attentively without interrupting.
Acknowledge Shared Goals: Begin by acknowledging that both of you want a harmonious and inclusive India that values cultural diversity and social harmony.
Empathize with Concerns: Say, "I understand that you care deeply about preserving our cultural heritage and national identity. That's a sentiment many of us share."
Present Contrasting Information: Gently mention that there have been instances of religious intolerance reported, which might be causing cognitive dissonance. Use a neutral tone and avoid sounding accusatory.
Highlight Nuances: Explain that complex issues often have multiple facets. Share some examples of positive efforts towards interfaith harmony to highlight that progress is being made too.
Relate to Personal Experiences: Share stories of individuals who have successfully worked towards bridging religious divides. Personal anecdotes can humanize the issue.
Encourage Self-Reflection: Ask Raj, "How do these reports align with your vision of an inclusive and harmonious India? Have they caused you to reevaluate any aspects?"
Focus on Solutions: Transition by saying, "Considering your concerns and aspirations, how do you think we can work towards fostering better understanding among different communities?"
Promote Constructive Debate: Say, "It's important that we engage in healthy discussions to find common ground and solutions. What do you think are some ways we can address these challenges?"
Bridge Commonalities: Mention instances where the BJP government has taken steps to promote social harmony. Emphasize that both of you share the goal of a united nation.
Be Patient: Respect Raj's pace in processing the information. If he appears hesitant to change his stance, give him time to reflect.
Follow-Up: Conclude the conversation by expressing gratitude for the discussion and suggest revisiting the topic later to continue the dialogue.
Lead by Example: Throughout the conversation, maintain a calm and respectful demeanor. Show that you value Raj's perspective even if it differs from your own.
By following this approach, you can engage in a thoughtful and empathetic conversation with Raj, helping him navigate his cognitive dissonance while fostering a deeper understanding of the complexities surrounding religious harmony and cultural preservation.
---How to approach Priya's Cognitive Dissonance
Let's now consider Priya, an ardent BJP supporter who experiences cognitive dissonance due to widening economic inequality despite the party's promise of prosperity. Here's how you could implement the stepwise approach to address her cognitive dissonance:
Create a Safe Environment: Approach Priya with genuine curiosity and respect. Let her know that you value her perspective and want to understand her point of view.
Active Listening: Begin by asking, "Priya, could you share your thoughts on the economic policies of the BJP and how they align with your expectations?" Give her space to express herself.
Acknowledge Shared Goals: Start by acknowledging that both of you want a thriving economy that benefits all segments of society and ensures upward mobility.
Empathize with Concerns: Say, "I can see how important economic growth and prosperity are to you. Those are goals many of us share."
Present Contrasting Information: Gently introduce data or reports that highlight the challenges faced by certain groups due to economic policies. Frame this as a way to understand the nuances better.
Highlight Nuances: Explain that economic policies can have complex consequences. Share examples of policies that might have inadvertently contributed to inequality.
Relate to Personal Experiences: Share stories of individuals who have been affected by economic disparities. Personal stories can make the issue more relatable.
Encourage Self-Reflection: Ask Priya, "Given your concerns about economic inequality, do you think there are aspects of the current policies that might need reassessment?"
Focus on Solutions: Transition by saying, "Considering your aspirations for a prosperous nation, how do you think we can ensure economic growth that benefits everyone?"
Promote Constructive Debate: Say, "Engaging in conversations about economic policies is essential for finding effective solutions. What ideas do you have for addressing inequality?"
Bridge Commonalities: Mention instances where the BJP government has taken steps to address economic disparities. Emphasize that both of you share the desire for an equitable society.
Be Patient: Give Priya the time to process the information and reflect on the implications. Avoid pushing for immediate agreement.
Follow-Up: Conclude the conversation by expressing gratitude for the discussion and propose revisiting the topic later to continue exploring potential solutions.
Lead by Example: Throughout the conversation, remain respectful and open-minded. Show that you are genuinely interested in understanding her perspective.
By following this approach, you can engage in a meaningful conversation with Priya, helping her navigate her cognitive dissonance surrounding economic policies while fostering a deeper understanding of the complexities of economic growth and its impact on different sections of society.
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